Catatan Prof.Dr.Singgih Tri S. , MHum

THE MARITIME MYTH OF THE JAVA SEA

AND THE CURRENT PROBLEMS OF NATIONAL INTEGRATION

IN INDONESIA*

Singgih Tri Sulistiyono

Head of History Department, Diponegoro University, Indonesia

I. Introduction

Customarily, local communities have myths stemming from their own local circumstances primarily with those of surrounding natural phenomena. The Japanese and Indian for example have myths about Fuji Mountain and Ganges River. Likewise, Indonesian traditional society which is comprising of hundreds ethnic groups have hundreds or even thousands of myths connecting with surrounding natural phenomena such as those of mountain, river, cave, jungle, sea, etc.

In Indonesia, if the myths about mountain, river, and jungle are usually involving only a single ethnic group, the myth of sea is usually cross-ethnic phenomena. It means that sea possibly give rise different myths among ethnic groups concerned. This explains that from the early time the sea has functioned as the medium of communication among different ethnic groups, political entities, and economic interests residing areas and/ or insular region around the sea concerned. Before the coming of the Europeans, local communities and even local political powers treated the sea as common property right.[1] At that time even the local rulers in Southeast Asia already tended to implement a free-ocean policy as what the Westerners called mare liberum.

The Java Sea which is located in the middle part of the Indonesian archipelago is also recognized as common property of many ethnic and social groups coming from surrounding regions. Some historians address the Java Sea as the most important part of Indonesia’s maritime worlds.[2] The Java Sea has a long history of being a centre of trading activities in the eastern seas long before the arrival of the Europeans.^[3] It has been the link of exchange among the political and economic centers of the Indonesian archipelago, i.e. the island of Java, and the constituent part of the Archipelago. Old harbors and political center sites can be found in the region around the Java Sea such as those of Surabaya, Gresik, Tuban, Lasem, Demak, Cirebon, Jayakarta (Old Jakarta), Banten, Palembang, and Banjarmasin. They had been connected each other by exchanging activities not only economically but also politically as well as culturally. This exchange processes had eventually given raises a perception among ethnic groups seeing the Java Sea as common identity. For the centuries, this particular sea has been the cross-cultural identity among ethnic groups in most part of the Indonesia archipelago. In this context, this paper is trying to explore of why the Java Sea which had a significant role in shaping common identity of ethnic groups, political powers, and economic interests of its surrounding regions before the age of colonialism, becomes increasingly unpopular during post independent Indonesia and gives less inspiration to current Indonesian for benefiting maritime history as an integrating factor of current Indonesia as a nation state.

II. The Java Sea: Geographical and Economical Contexts

The Java Sea is now part of the archipelagic territory of Indonesia. The Indonesian archipelago stretches across the tropical waters of the Indian Ocean and the Pacific, from South-eastern Asia to Northern Australia, making it the widest insular region in the world.^[4] Its length from east to west is greater than the distance from London to Moscow or from New York to San Francisco. This vast archipelago has land area of approximately 1.92 million km², archipelagic waters and a 12 nautical mile territorial sea of 3.1 million km², and a 200 nautical mile exclusive zone (EEZ) of 2.7 million km².

The Indonesian geographical facts provide the basic pattern of its history and culture. The insular character of the Indonesian archipelago has stimulated cultural variety and, at the same time, has offered easy access to foreign influences. The fact that the Archipelago produced plentiful commodities attracted traders and conquerors; it consequently made the islands and the sea a battle field of many contesting powers. This meant that the international significance of the Indonesian archipelago is based upon its location and its resources. It might be comparable with the two other great crossroads of world shipping, i.e. the Panama and the Suez Canals. In addition, the economic significance of the Indonesian archipelago is due to the fact that it has abundantly produced commodities that are so needed by the industrial nations.^[5]

Internally, the insular nature of the Indonesian archipelago also causes great variation, the most important of which are natural differences stemming from climate and volcanic activity. These factors greatly influence human habitation and cultural development. The islands situated near the equator, such as Sumatra, Kalimantan and Papua, have abundant rainfall throughout the year, whereas those in south-east of the Archipelago have less rainfall and a longer dry season. The climate in the south-eastern part is similar to that of Australia. Since Java has a favorable climate for vegetation and its fertile-volcanic soil, it is not surprising that Java’s economy has benefited historically from such geographical advantages.

Fertile soil can also be found in the islands of Sumatra, Bali, Lombok, Sumbawa, Flores, Wetar and Banda, as well as a part of Sulawesi since these areas are volcanic regions. The remaining islands, such as Papua and Kalimantan, have not demonstrated any recent volcanic activities although there are high mountains. Two types of climate and geology provide the varieties in tropical commodities of the Archipelago. As the Java Sea is surrounded by regions of different types of climate and geology, it is fortunate that the regions produce various minerals, such as oil, gold and coal, regardless of their climate or geology.

The Java Sea stretches between the island of Java, Sumatra, Kalimantan, Sulawesi, and Bali & Lombok. It is bordered on the west by the Straits of Carrimata and the Straits of Sunda and on the east by the Straits of Macassar and the Bali Sea. The northern border is Borneo Island, while the Island of Java is the southern border. The Java Sea extends more than 800 miles from east to west, with an average breadth of 250 miles.^[6] It covers 1.8 million square kilometers with a depth of roughly 40-50 m.^[7]

The natural condition of the Java Sea shore is heterogeneous. The north coast of Java is generally flat, where large trees can be grown even along the beach, and a little way in the interior there are several mountain peaks, which may serve as seamarks. Some of these peaks are from 10,000 to 11,000 feet in height. These natural marks are very important for seafarers especially for traditional prahu shipping and fishermen. The coasts are muddy and sandy shores even extend to the mouth of rivers. In some places there are a few dangerous rocks.^[8]

The Java Sea coast of Sumatra covers the coast of Palembang, Lampung, the Straits of Bangka, and the Straits of Sunda. In general, the whole coast of Sumatra in Palembang is low, densely covered by woods, offering only a few points of variation. Moreover, almost the entire coast is bordered by a mud flat; in some of the bights, it stretches from 2 to 4 miles wide making the approach difficult.^[9] Towards the Bangka side, the bottom becomes gradually harder, even rocky. There are two navigable rivers toward Palembang for light vessels, the rivers Musi and Asin. Unlike Palembang, there is no large river in Teluk Betung (the capital of Lampung district). The city is situated in the Bay of Lampung. The bight is very extensive, about 20 miles wide at its entrance, and stretching northward nearly as far. This bay functioned as a shelter and a good road to Teluk Betung.^[10]

The Java Sea shore in Kalimantan has dominant characteristics. When approaching the coast, caution is required on account of the reefs extending several miles in some parts. Almost the entire west and south coast of Kalimantan are muddy and swampy. Understandably, there is no city on the coast. Banjarmasin, for example, is situated about 13 miles from the coast, while Pontianak lies about 12 miles from the mouth of the Pontianak River, which is navigable. Barito and Martapura are also navigable rivers reaching to Banjarmasin. This city is situated at the bank of Martapura River, a tributary of the Barito River.^[11]

Compared with the coasts in Kalimantan, the coasts surrounding Makassar have fewer obstacles such as mud and swamps. Most of them have deep waters, allowing ships to call here easily. There are also favorable winds during the day making a pilot ship unnecessary. In the end of the 19^th century the place of anchorage is abreast the town, in 8 to 10 fathoms with a muddy bottom.^[12] This is why during the Dutch colonial administration Makassar was established as a port of call for steamers and the major port of sailing ships in eastern part of the Indonesian archipelago.

As in other Indonesian areas, tropical wet climates are dominant in the regions around the Java Sea. Climate change is mainly dependent on the monsoon. There are only two seasons, a dry season and a wet (rainy) season. The wet season lasts from October to April and results from the northwestern monsoon (wet monsoon), which begins to blow in September. The wet season comes to an end when the north monsoon stops. It is followed by the dry south eastern monsoon starting in June and ending in September.

Traditionally, regular shipping and trade activities benefited from these periodic changes brought on by monsoons. The monsoon also influences the direction of shipping on the Java Sea, especially for those ships using wind power. In the western part of the Java Sea, including waters around Bangka, Belitung, Palembang and Kepulauan Seribu, the dry and wet seasons last six months. Here the dry season is from May to October, during which the monsoon moves from the east and south-east reaching its highest speeds in August. The wet season lasts from December until April. The west monsoon winds become weak as they arrive at the eastern part of the Indonesian archipelago. The implication of this is that these areas have less rainfall than those areas in the western part of the Archipelago. In the eastern part of the archipelago, the dry season is also longer than that of in western part.^[13] In the Java Sea area, the west monsoon also causes heavy rainfall, while during the east monsoon the weather is misty.^[14]

In the eastern part of the Java Sea, the east monsoon is more dominant and longer than the west monsoon. In April, the east monsoon, which dominated this area earlier in the year, blows speedily and continuously from May to October. November is the transition period from the west to the east monsoons. The strongest character during this transition is that the wind blows irregularly and comes from every direction.^[15] This influences the landward and seaward winds as well. During the east monsoon, the sky is usually misty at night. After the sun shines the sky will be bright and clear.^[16]

In the middle part of the Java Sea, the transition from wet season to dry season begins earlier, in March and April. Wind directions are often changeable. From May to October the east monsoon moves consistently to the west and northwest and reaches its highest speeds in August. In October, the course of the wind begins to change until November. In December, the west monsoon begins to move in a constant direction and reaches its highest speeds in January and February. During the west monsoon, rainfall on the Java Sea is heavier than on the mainland of Java, whereas during the east monsoon the rainfall is heavier on the mainland. High tide usually occurs at full moon but it hardly ever reaches two meters high. Along the south coast of Kalimantan, the tide decreases in size as one travels east until arriving at the mouth of Jelahi River. In the western part of the Java Sea, high tide can reach between two and three feet, and in the eastern part, six feet. On the other hand, fleet tide on the Java Sea is not so clear and difficult to be recognized.^[17]

Geographic and climatologic conditions of the Java Sea have enabled exchanges among ethnic groups, political powers, and economic interests of the Java Sea regions. Before the invention of steam engine, traders usually benefited from the northwestern monsoon by voyaging from Malacca to Riau, Johor and Batavia and then to Makassar and to the Spices Islands (the Molluccas). They used the route from Malacca to the Maluku Islands along the east coast of Sumatra, the north coast of Java (Banten, Jakarta, Cirebon, Cirebon, Gresik, etc.) then to Bali, Lombok, Sumbawa, Makassar and the Maluku islands. But they could also use the trading route via the southern coast of Kalimantan to reach Makassar.^[18] The voyage from Makassar to the Maluku islands took one of two routes. The first route is available during the northwestern monsoon of October-December. Ships were able to sail southward to Buton Island and then turn left to reach Banda and Amboina. The second route was used during the southeastern monsoon of June-August for traveling from Makassar to North Maluku, then on to Papua via Menado in North Sulawesi, Ternate and Seram. On this route, ships also used the landward and seaward winds from the mainland of Sulawesi, which blew during July-September. On the westward home voyage from Papua and the Maluku islands, ships generally benefited from the northeastern monsoon of May-September. But this journey required that one call at some ports since this monsoon is weaker when crossing the Flores and the Java Sea in June under the influence of the southeastern monsoon of June-August. Ships were able to continue their westward voyage during the northeastern monsoon of August when the current moves in the same direction as the wind. It is very difficult to sail against the wind and the currents.^[19]

On the southwestern border of the Java Sea (around the Straits of Bangka), the tides are strong but irregular, and greatly influenced by the monsoons. The flood tide, entering the Straits of Bangka from the Java Sea, met another flood tide coming from the north out of the South China Sea. The direction of the streams was entirely influenced by the windings of the strait, and where they meet, form whirls in the bights of the land. In the southern part of the strait there were sometimes two but most often only one ebb and flood in 24 hours. One runs southward to the Java Sea and the other northward to the South China Sea. During the months of October-December, when the northwestern monsoon is at its greatest strength, the southern current continues for 14 to 18 successive hours with a speed of 2 to 3.5 knots. The flood tide is rather trifling and sometimes unpredictable. During this monsoon, sailing ships voyaged from Lampung and Palembang to Pontianak and then to the southern coast of Kalimantan. The ships sailed homeward during the northeastern monsoon (from May to September). To sail to Jakarta, ships were able to use the north monsoon during January–April. Moreover, during the southeast monsoon in June–August they could sail to ports along the east coast of Sumatra, even to Singapore, Malacca and Penang. But during this monsoon, the flood tide moved with a strong velocity for 14 to 18 hours into the strait and the ebb ran out with less strength during the other 10 to 8 hours.^[20]

The northwestern and northeastern monsoons are not so strong and irregular when Borneo blocks the winds. This made sailing on this water is safe and free from gales as well. The influence of sea and land breezes, either those coming from Sulawesi or from Kalimantan Island were also dominant here. Land breeze from Sulawesi blows during the southeastern monsoon of July–September and the sea breeze moves during the northwestern monsoon of October–April, while the land breeze from Kalimantan blows during the northwestern monsoon and the sea breeze in the southeastern monsoon. This enabled a trade connection between Makassar and the ports along the West Coast of Sulawesi, such as Pare-pare, Suppa, Majene and Kaili and the trading centres along the south-east coast of Kalimantan such as Banjarmasin, Samarinda and Bulungan. On the south coast of Kalimantan, the southeastern monsoon blows from May to September, accompanied by a good deal of rain. During the northwestern monsoon (from October to April) westerly winds prevail, with continual rain and frequent storms. On these waters, the currents generally follow the direction of the prevailing winds.^[21]

The influence of the southeastern and the north monsoons also enabled shipping connections between the Java Sea region and northern countries such as the Philippines, Japan and China. Seafarers from China, Sulu and Luzon arrived in Makassar by using the northern monsoon. Even before the presence of Westerners, the shipping route between China and the Indonesian archipelago had already developed. This route covered China-Java-the Lesser Sunda islands and the Maluku islands. Following the northern monsoon, they sailed along the West Coast of Kalimantan. This monsoon was also used by Makassarese to cross the Flores Sea to the Lesser Sunda Islands; they were even able to reach the northern coast of Australia. The homeward voyage was made during the southeastern monsoon.^[22]

Thus from the above explanation, it can be recognized that the cycle of monsoons on the Indonesian archipelago’s waters have facilitated interregional shipping and trade among the regions around the Java Sea. It also provided the means of interconnection between the Java Sea region and those areas beyond. This brought the Java Sea network into an open system of shipping and trade network. Climate diversity and differences in soil fertility among the regions stimulated both interregional and international trade. Eventually, the regions around this particular sea, i.e. the Java Sea regions, experienced rapid economic development. Even if they were never under foreign sovereignty and had no valuable raw materials to offer, these areas still had an advantageous location, which enabled them to control the junction of the Pacific and Indian Oceans, the gateway between the Western and the Eastern worlds and the main thoroughfare between Asia and Australia. Therefore, the Java Sea deserves the title ‘the Mediterranean Sea of Southeast Asia’.^[23]

One of the dynamic forces of exchange among the Java Sea regions is the interdependence of supply and demand between regions, creating a kind of symbiosis. Since the pre-colonial era, Java supplied rice to the Outer Islands such as the Maluku Islands and even Malacca. The Outer Islands produced cash crops, such as spices and many kinds of forest products (camphor, kemenyan,^[24] gambier,^[25] sandalwood, etc.). People in Java did not consume these commodities on a large scale but these goods were re-exported to western countries. Indigenous traders such as Javanese, Buginese, Madurese, Makassarese, Banjarese, Balinese, etc. brought spices and other tropical commodities to Malacca where other Asian traders were waiting for. A kind of barter took place, in which local people obtained textiles, metal goods, jewelry, etc. in exchange for spices. Thus, before the 16^th century there were no trading commodities directly from the Maluku islands to Western Europe. Java’s essential position is shown here, not only as a supplier of commodities to other regions but also as the main entrepôt of trade between the Maluku Islands and Malacca involving cross-cultural traders in the Indonesian archipelago. Java acted as a warehouse of imported commodities before they were distributed to the surrounding regions of the Outer Islands such as Palembang, Lampung, Banjarmasin, Bali and Lombok, and the Maluku islands. Ports along the northern coast of Java became a rendezvous for traders of the Outer Islands as well as their foreign fellows.

III. The Java Sea World: The Dynamic of Identity Formation

Strategic geographical position and profitable economical factors of the Java Sea have stimulated political and cultural dynamics. Exchanges occurred not only in the field of economy but also culture and politics. Seeing from cultural development trade activities had significant contribution to the process of acculturation and assimilation. Cultural impacts of this exchanges process even deeper rather than economic impacts Trade activity as the channel of assimilation and acculturation have been able to change indigenous people who involved in this exchange both culturally and politically. On the contrary, trading activity has also been influenced by cultural forms of the society. The demand for gold, spices, kemenyan, silk, etc. were closely linked with the existing local cultures.[26]

For centuries international maritime trade had become a medium of cross-cultural dialog. The dialog occurred between the ‘Java Sea cultures’ and outside cultures such as India, China, and Islam but also among ethnic groups of the Java Sea region and the Archipelago at large. Certainly, the dialogs were not only in the form of peaceful communication and interaction process but also conflits and wars among social and ethnic groups. Historically, conflicts and wars were also became one of the channels of cultural diffusion, assimilation, and acculturation. The development of shipping and trade between the ‘Java Sea communities’ and outside world have preconditioned the diffusion of Indian, Chinese, and Islamic cultures to the local cultures. The influences can be seen among other in the form of language (Sankrit, Chinese, and Arabic), religion (Hinduism, Buddhism, Kong Fu Tse, and Islam), politics (Hinduistic, Buddhist, and Islamic kingdoms), social system (cast and nobility), etc. Impressive religious monuments can also be found in many places in the Java Sea region such as those of Borobudur, Prambanan, Kalasan, Singasari, and other Hinduistic and Buddhist temples, Demak Great Mosque and other old mosques, and Sam Po Khong and other artistic Chinese temples which are showing the influences of India, Arab, and Chinese although the local elements are still exist as a part of cross-cultural dialog.

The dynamic of identity formation of the Java Sea is closely linked with the never ending competition between Malay world centered in Sumatra (and Malay Peninsula) and Javanese world centered in Java. This explains that cross-cultural contacts among ethnic and social groups surrounding the Java Sea became increasingly intensive in line with the emergence of Srivijaya as Malay maritime kingdom (located in Sumatra Island). This development closely linked with the burgeoning trade along maritime Silk Road network between India and China, between Malay region and China, and intra-regional trade among Southeast Asia. Among the most significant factor in the rise of Srivijaya as the pre-eminent Southeast Asian maritime trading center was its ruler’s political acumen: their ability both to consolidate their own Sumatran hinterland and to dominate rival ports and thus indirectly their hinterlands. This control enabled the Srivijaya to concentrate agricultural, forests, and ocean products of Indonesian archipelago in its own ports. Besides, Srivijaya also developed political system which was based on loyalty and control toward trading resources.[27] The location of Srivijaya itself was actually not relatively strategic as it located far from the Straits of Malacca. By benefiting its fleet could Srivijaya finally control shipping and trade at the western part of the Indonesian archipelago. Besides, they were also able to protect their waters against piracy and possibility attack from other countries. It is very interesting that for the interest of its trade, Srivijaya acknowledged China as the protector and became tributary of Chinese emperor. By taking such kinds of policy, Srivijaya felt save from the dangerous of Chinese military expansion which had reached as far as Vietnam and Fu-Nan. Besides, Srivijayan ships would get a better treatment when they were anchoring at Chinese ports.[28] This explains Srivijaya was able to control trading centers at Malay Peninsula such as P’eng-feng (Pahang), Teng-ya-nung (Trengganu), Ling-Ya-Su-Chia (Langkasuka), Chi-lan-tan (Kelantan), Fo-lo-an (Kuala Berang), Tan-ma-ling (Tambralingga, Ligor), Chia-lo-si (Grahi, Gulf of Brandon,).[29]

As a maritime state, Srivijaya has implemented its strategy for survive and expanded its power. For its survival, Srivijaya established international diplomatic ties with two ‘superpowers’, i.e. China and India which were predicted to be the potential threat for destroying. Diplomacy with India, for example, was constructed by establishing a vihara at Nalanda during the reign of Balaputadewa. Diplomacy with China was constructed by sending tribute to the Chinese emperor. Every time Srivijaya got the threat from its enemies, it always asked for protection from China. On the other side, regionally Srivijaya strengthened and expanded its power to surrounding regions in Malay world. Gradually Srivijaya could control surrounding trading centers and traffics by military power.[30]

The burgeoning of Srivijaya in Sumatra was in line with the development of political power in Central Java (Mataram Kingdom). Competition and conflict between Srivijaya and kingdoms in Java showed a high tension when the center of Mataram kingdom moved from Central Java to East Java. The king Sendok (929-947), has moved the palace and he is acknowledged as the founder of new dynasty (Isyana) who reigned in east Java until 1222. One of the motives of this removal was to avoid a bitter conflict with Srivijaya. The emergence of political powers in East Java gave a significant impact to the economy of the Java Sea regions and Indonesian archipelago at large.[31] Different with Mataram kingdom in Central Java which greatly relied on established wet-rice agriculture economy, coastal and basin regions of East Java were not yet surplus agricultural areas which could support political power of this new kingdom. From the early period, therefore, the kings of Eastern Java gave more attention to maritime trade. Trade connections were established either with the eastern part of the Indonesian Archipelago (such as the Moluccas) or the western part (such as those with Sumatra and Malay Peninsula which at that time still under controlled by Srivijaya kingdom).

During the reign of king Dharmawangsa (985-1006), there had been an increasing tense of political and economic conflict between Java and Srivijaya. The attacks of Dharmawangsa troops to Srivijaya have placed this maritime kingdom in the ‘dangerous position’.[32] Only by establishing good relationship with Cola kingdom (India) and China could finally Sriwijaya counterattack Dharmawangsa troops. Even a conspiracy masterminded by Srivijaya (with one of Dharmawangsa vassals) could destroy Dharmawangsa palace and kill him in 1006 in an incident popularly called as pralaya.

Good relationship between Srivijaya and Chola did not last long. By 1007 Chola kingdom began to attack eastern regions. In 1025 the capital of Sriwijaya was attacked. During the next aggression in 1027, the king of Sriwijaya (Sanggramawiyot-tunggawarman) could be captured. There is no record about the fate of this king. After the fall of Srivijaya palace, the next attacks were directed to Srivijaya regions in the Malay Peninsula.

The weakness of Sriwijaya following the aggression Chola kingdom has caused two significant impacts. Firstly, the successor of Dharmawangsa, i.e. Airlangga (1019-1042) could seize back lose regions following the pralaya in 1006. Second, a set of Chola attacks possibly gave consciousness to Sriwijaya rulers that good partnership with Chola kingdom could at any way change to be war and subjugation. This explains the emergence of such kinds of gentlemen agreement among the main power in Malay world and the Javanese world. This situation became increasingly crystallized when these two powers allied for confronting against Cola kingdom by political marriage between Airlangga (successor of Dharmawangsa) and a sister of Srivijaya king. There was a kind of consensus in which Srivijaya controlled western part of Malay Archipelago, while eastern part was under controlled by Airlangga. But in fact Java still had trading connections with western part of the Malay Archipelago.[33]

The wave of Javanese expansion again became increasingly tense when Kertanegara came into power in 1268 as the king of Singasari (East Java). By continuing Javanese political tradition of anti-Sino domination, he tried to widen his influence by establishing political and military alliance among Malay powers. He realized that China was the giant powers that should be faced together. He wanted to establish Singasari as a new power in Malay Archipelago (including Malay world and Javanese world). He replaced all officials who were not in line with his ambitions. Srivijaya kingdom which was traditionally in a good relationship with China was forced to be the alliance of Kertanegara by sending Pamalayu Expedition in 1273. It seems that he tried to unite Javanese and Malay world for facing China.[34]

If during the period of Singasari kingdom, the alliance of political powers in Malay Archipelago had been pioneered in a relatively peaceful, but during the Majapahit kingdom (since 1292) the unity was erected more stringent by military power. If the king Kertanegara effort to unite the Malay world was mainly addressed to face the dangerous of external expansion (from China), the Majapahit unity was mainly motivated by internal ambition to subjugated local political power under the banner of Majapahit integration. By implementing this policy, Majapahit could ‘inherit’ most part of former Sriwijaya territory.[35] Despite Majapahit seems never to have been able to exert any continuing control over the Straits of Malacca but this empire was by far the greatest and most powerful of the Javanese states, and had no rival within the archipelago for more than a century.

Internal dissension of Majapahit kingdom during the end of the 14^th century preconditioned its vassals tended to be independent. One of its former vassals located in the heart of Malay world, i.e. Malacca, also cutting off from being union of Majapahit. The emergence of Malacca as an independent state in the end of the 14^th century was immediately followed by its function as the trading center of Malay world. The rise of Malacca can be assumed to replace the role of formerly played by Srivijaya. Its emergence was on one hand in line with the deteriorating process of Majapahit kingdom and on the other hand it got protection of Chinese emperor from the threat coming from Ayutthaya which began to expand their military forces to the south. During that period, China was active to patrol Nanyang (southern sea) led by commander Cheng-Ho.

Besides, the burgeoning of Malacca was in conformity with the increasing role of Muslim traders who had significant role along maritime Silk Road between Middle East and Southeast Asia. By embracing Islam, the authority of Malacca succeeded to pull political endorsement and economic support from Moslem traders. In short time Malacca became the centre of trade activities in Southeast Asia. This port immediately functioned as the transit point of commodities form the Indonesian archipelago and then distributed to the east and/ or to the west.

In the meantime, Java also experienced an interesting development. Islam began to penetrated political and social life making more difficult the maintenance of Majapahit’s overlordship in the Island of Java. Since the 15^th century, the balance of power in the Archipelago swung against the Majapahit kingdom and the north coast of Java ports were one by one converted to Islam and drawn into the commercial orbit of Malaccan entrepôt. This was in line with the arrival of Portuguese in the beginning of the 16^th century when Majapahit kingdom survived only as a small inland state in eastern part of Java.

In connection with the development of Malacca as the trading center of Southeast Asia, there have been emerging also several trading centers in eastern part of the Indonesian archipelago such as Makassar, Ternate, and Tidore. These ports were initially sub networks of the Malay world centered in Malacca. Besides, the extension of the Malay trading network also reached Southern Philippine, i.e. the Sultanate of Jolo and Mangindanao. This kind of structure was relatively strong in facing the Western colonialists. The seizure of Malacca by Portuguese in 1511, therefore, did not make the trade of Malay world come into en end. The fall of Malacca immediately strengthened trading centers and its networks such as those of Aceh, Makassar, Sulu, Ternate, Tidore, and coastal cities along the north coast of Java. During this period, Malaynese and Islam increasingly developed as an identity of Malay people. Buginese from Celebes even spread out Malay network not only in Southeast Asia but also reached the north coast of Australia. By the early of the 16^th century the centrality of the Malay network began to be fragmented in the form of trading centers in almost regions in Southeast Asia.

During the course of history, the dynamic of the Java Sea which was characterized by competitions and conflicts economically, politically, and culturally between the ‘Javanese world’ and ‘Malay world’ have given a certain color to the identify of the Java Sea as a mental map. The mentality of the Java Sea here refers to the set of values and concepts that made the Java Sea a cultural identity. The mentality of the Java Sea, therefore, had existed before Western influence. During this period, Java played an important role in shaping some of the basic elements of the mentality of the Java Sea. The Java’s key position was part of a complex historical process in which trade, politics and culture were closely linked from the tenth century until the second half of the seventeenth century, that is to say, before Dutch sovereignty over the islands. During that period, the north coast of Java became the base of a large maritime empire playing a demonstrative role in the formation of a mentality of the Java Sea. Such a mentality made the Java Sea a specific cultural unity.^[36] Only after repeated interventions of the VOC to the kingdom of Mataram in Java, interregional contacts between the Javanese and other ethnic groups were eventually restricted.

The role of Java in shaping identity of the Java Sea, therefore, can be easily understood historically. Before presence of the Westerns some elements of the Javanese culture has spread out to the regions around the Java Sea. The spreading out of the aliments of the Javanese culture was in line with the expansion of political influence of the Javanese kingdoms before the domination of Western colonialism. Hall states that this political process tended to be a process of political integration rather than of political centralization.[37]

In line with the political process of integration, social and cultures diffusion were also taken place. Besides benefiting the channel of political influence, cultural diffusion also took place through trading activities, migration, Islamic education, the use of Javanese language in Islamic boarding school (pesantren), etc. The Java Sea trading network traversed from Ternate to Malacca including Ambon, Makassar, Bali, Nusa Tenggara, Banjarmasin, Pontianak, ports of south and east Sumatra, etc. Hall addresses it as the Java Sea zone.[38] Political expansions and trade activities enabled migration among ethnic groups in the Java Sea region. In this connection, not only the Javanese did who migrate to regions around the Java Sea but also other ethnic groups. In the pre colonial Makassar for example, Javanese, Banjarese, Madurese, Malays, Baliness, could be found easily. Besides, ethnic groups from the Outer Islands could also be easily found in most harbor cities along the north coast of Java such as those of Bantam, Cirebon, Demak, Tuban, Gresik, Surabaya, etc. In those cities, Buginess, Madurese, Malays, and Makassarese settlements were not a strange thing. Internal migration was actually one of the most important basic for getting cultural understanding among social groups in the region around the Java Sea.

Islamic education and missionary also became the cultural foundation of Javenese influences in the Outer Islands. Beside Aceh and Minangkabau, the influence of Islam from Java in the region around the Java Sea was also significant. Although the existence of Islam in Java itself was younger compared to those of Islam in Aceh (Samudra Pasai) for example, institutionalization of Islamic education in Java, i.e. Islamic boarding school (pesantren) was more develop rather than other places in the Archipelago. Since the 15^th century one of the cities in the north coast of Java, Gresik (Pesantren Giri), became the important center of Islamic boarding school in the Archipelago. The pupils of this pesantren were not only from Java but also from farious region in the Indonesian Archipelago, even from Malay world. This pesantren was established by Sunan Giri (Raden Paku) one of the ‘nine holy people’ (wali songo) of Java.[39]

It is very interesting that the Javanese language, not Malay, was used as medium of instruction in pesantren. Pupils (santri) from various regions in the Malay Archipelago had to learn Javanese language previously before studying Islamic laws in the pesantren. This means that more people from outside Java learned Javanese culture including the way Javanese people think and behave. When the pupils went back to their own homeland after completing the study, they spread out Islamic knowledge in mixing language, between local language and Javanese. If Malay is recognized as the lingua franca for business activities, the Javanese language was used for lingua franca of Islamic education world in the Malay Archipelago.

It is important to be noted that conflict and ‘subjugation’ carried out by Javanese kingdoms to the regions outside Java did not completely gave a painful injury to the local communities. This explains why Hall prefers to speak political integration with tributary system rather than centralization and conquest.[40] Different from inscriptions issued by Srivijaya kingdom which were much colored by threat and curse against local powers who wanted to resist the central power, there has not been found yet a similar inscription in the overseas regions issued by Javanese kingdoms. Javanese inscription in the overseas mostly connected with the king’s gifts to the local kingdoms, political marriage, recognition and act of giving praise towards the glory of Javanese kings, etc.

It seems that politically, the process of integration carried out by the Javanese kingdoms, in some cases, can be understood by some local elements as an external power which could give proud and authority to the local powers. They felt being legitimated by big political and military power from Java. Some traditional and local historical sources from the region around the Java Sea tell about the local political powers proud of being part of the Javanese integration. Besides, some local rulers in the region around the Java Sea were also proud if they could get married with Javanese royal family and finally they got nobility title from Javanese king. The book of Sedjarah Melaju, which was possibly written in Malacca after the fall of Malacca Sultanate in the 16^th century, tells:[41]

“….. maka tersebutlah perkataan betara Madjapahit, maka baginda beranak dengan anak raja Bukit Siguntang itu dua orang laki-laki, dan yang tua Radin Inu Merta Wangsa namanya, maka diradjakan baginda di Madjapahit… terlalu sekali besar keradjaan baginda pada zaman itu, seluruh tanah Djawa seluruhnja didalam hukum tanah Djawa itu semuanja di dalam hukum baginda, dan segala raja-raja Nusantarapun setengah sudah ta’luk kepada baginda. Setelah betara Madjapahit mendengar Singapura negeri besar, radjanya tiada menjembah banginda, dan radja Singapura itu saudara sepupu baginda, maka radja Madjapahitpun menyuruh utusan ke Singapura…(…it is said about the king of Madjapahit. He got married with the dougter of Bukit Siguntang king and had two children. The oldest name was Radin Inu Merta Wangsa, and he was crowned the king of Madjapahit…. At that time the territory of Madjapahit kingdom was vast. All Java territory was under yurisdiction of the king and all kings of the Archipalgo had been half subjecting of the Majapahit king. Having known that Singapore became a big kingdom and its king (the cousin of Madjapahit king) did not worship the king of Majapahit, the king then of Majapahit sent a delegation to Singapore….”

It is important to be noted that Tome Pires who visited to cities along the north coast of Java in the early of the 16^th century hearing by his own ear that the glory of the Majapahit kingdom was commonly known by the people. He says:[42]

“They say that the island of Java used to rule as far as the Moluccas on the eastern side and (over) a great part of the west; and that it had almost all this for a long time past until about a hundred years ago, when its power began to diminish until it came to its present state… It is because of this power and great worth that Java had, and because it navigated too many places and very far away, for they affirm that it navigated to Aden, and its chief trade was in Banua Quelim, Bengal and Pase, that it had the whole (of trade) at that time…”.

Sedjarah Melaju also tells about the king of Tanjung Pura (located in South Borneo) who had family relation with the king of Majapahit. And one of their descendants got married with Sultan Mansyur Shah, the king of Mallaca.[43] In the meantime, Hikayat Banjar dan Kotaringin which gives description about the origin of Banjarmasin kingdom (located in South Borneo) telling that the king of this kingdom was the descendant of Majapahit. Puteri Jungjung Buih (Tanjung Buih), the ancestor of Banjarmasin kings, got married with Raden Surianata, the son of Majapahit kingdom.[44] The king of Mallaca (Iskandar Syah) even sent his delegation to Majapahit asking for the Javanese traders to carry out their business not only in Pase but also in Mallaca harbor. The king of Majapahit answered that the Javanese junks had been for a long time sailed to Pase and they had already good relationship. In Pase, the Javanese traders were free of export and import taxes as the king of Pase was the vassal of Majapahit.[45]

It is also very interesting that the presence of the Javanese culture elements in the regions outside Java were not only accepted for enriching local cultures but it also became a kind of prestigious symbol. Even, things that in Java were just used as coin, it was used as an amulet in Kelantan. Local people mentioned it as Javanese Amulet or fetis Jawa or jimat Jawa. It was believed to be able to cure various illnesses.[46]

The above description gives a picture that the rise and fall of the Javanese political integration did not give impact to the elimination of local powers. The character of relationship between Javanese political powers and political powers of the region around the Java Sea was decentralist. This explains the diffusion of the Javanese culture in the region around the Java Sea was smoothly making the Java Sea as an identity which was different with those of Malay world.

IV. The Java Sea and Current Indonesian Maritime World

Modern perception on the Java Sea in Indonesian context is actually formed by traditional ideas concerning the relation between Java and the rest of the Indonesian Archipelago or popularly called as the Outer Islands or other islands of Java (Luar Java). In this context, the Dutch colonial government has laid a cornerstone of the perception concerning the role of Java and the Java Sea and connection between Java and other regions in current Indonesian context.

For more than three hundred years, the Dutch colonial saw the important role of Java during course of history of the Indonesian Archipelago politically, economically as well as culturally. It is not an accident if the Dutch East Indian Company or VOC (Vereenigde Oost Indische Compagnie) immediately began to remove their center of activities from the Moluccas Islands to Batavia (in West Java) in the first quarter of the 16^th century just 17 years after its establishment. Batavia was, even, functioned as the management center of the company in Asia and Africa.

From 1677 onwards, the Dutch were actively involved in a series of succession disputes and dynastic struggles in Java.^[47] Exploiting such conflicts, the Dutch then took advantage of the opportunity to reduce the indigenous powers to a state of dependence. Not until the third quarter of the 18^th century, did the Dutch gradually succeed making the kingdom of Mataram, Banten and to a certain degree Cirebon in Java vassals of the VOC. Moreover, in Java they gained economic control over the most productive areas of this island by means of tax levies and many kinds of tribute from their vassals. The VOC also introduced new crops such as coffee. In so doing, they gradually transformed their system into a Java-based polity, concentrating more and more on the exploitation of natural resources of Java, while their maritime power and grip on trade in the Outer Islands areas declined until its bankruptcy in 1799. ^[48]

Entering to the 19^th century, Java became increasingly the center of the politic and economic activities of the Dutch in the Indonesian Archipelago. In the second quarter of the 19^th century, the Dutch colonial government opened up several ports in the Outer Islands as free ports for international trade. Nevertheless, the production potential of the Outer Islands could not be easily recovered. At the same time, the Dutch colonial government focused on the establishment of the infrastructure in Java, building such things as roads, railways, telegraphs, bridges, irrigation systems, etc. in order to encourage Java to produce more profitable commodities for the European market. The implication of this policy was that the Outer Islands were ignored, while Java was increasingly developed as the favourite. Batavia was projected to become the centre of shipping and trade in Southeast Asia, first competing with and then replacing the role of Malacca as the center of previously Malay world..^[49]

A new equilibrium in the maritime world in Southeast Asia emerged. The new centers of the maritime network were Penang and Singapore, thus succeeding Malacca as the centre of the maritime network system three centuries earlier.^[50] This network involved European, Indian, Chinese and Indonesian traders. During the 19^th, this new system in the Peninsula absorbed most of the trading regions in the Archipelago. Singapore stimulated the trading revival of the Outer Islands from its long collapse caused by war, conquest and destruction launched by the Dutch VOC and other Western trading companies.

One of the most important British policies intended to revive the maritime network system in the Southeast Asian waters was to establish Singapore as a free port in 1819.^[51] Although there had been elements of free trade in the Indonesian archipelago before the coming of the Westerners, the opening up of Singapore as the freest port in the world gave new vitality to the maritime world in Southeast Asia, although this was also meant as challenge to Batavia, the centre of the Dutch maritime network. Moreover, the British authorities had succeeded in creating Singapore as the principal distributing centre of industrial products from Western countries. The British thus also succeeded in setting up both intense political and commercial connections with European industrial countries. This negatively affected Dutch efforts to make Java the centre of maritime networks in Southeast Asia. Even during the first half of the 19^th century, the Dutch role in the maritime activities in Southeast Asia was marginal compared to the British. Hence, the Dutch tended to concentrate their activities in Java, making it the main producer of cash crops for international market, while the majority of the trade of the Outer Islands was under the influence of Singapore. The Dutch had passed up the opportunity to grasp the maritime network system in the Indonesian archipelago and in Southeast Asia when they had control over Malacca and Batavia.

In the 17th and the 18^th centuries, the Outer Islands trade suffered from the VOC’s destruction, followed by the Dutch restriction on foreign shipping and the colonial government’s negligence of this region; all this affected the less developed Outer Islands until the second half of the 19^th century. The economy of the Outer Islands left behind since Java became the economic and political centre of Dutch activities in the Archipelago.

Unlike their policy in Java, the Dutch colonial government applied a policy of abstention toward the Outer Islands during the first quarter of the nineteenth century.^[52] The Dutch conquered the Outer Islands to establish trade monopolies, not to use their hinterlands to produce cash crops. As a result, Dutch authorities were limited to port cities. The hinterland of the Outer Islands was sparsely populated and thus did not attract the VOC, because most commodities from the hinterland were just taken from forests.[53] On the other hand, the VOC not only dealt with the port cities but also Java’s hinterland from the beginning, knowing that these hinterlands were fertile and densely populated. Applying both conflicts and accommodation, the VOC finally became the ‘landlord’ in Java. Even when the assets of the VOC were taken over by the Dutch government and the elements of trade vanished and were replaced by non-government groups, the Dutch power as ‘landlord’ became yet stronger, at least under the Cultivation System (1830-1870). Indeed, it became a strong state during the late colonial state period.^[54]

From this point of view, it is clear that from the early 18^th century until the second half of the 19^th century, there had been a dichotomous economic development between Java and the Outer Islands. Although the surface area of Java & Madura was only 9 per cent of the whole surface area of the Netherlands Indies, it played a chief role as the centre of economic activities in the Netherlands Indies.^[55] In 1900, Java and Madura were inhabited by 69 per cent of the total population of the Netherlands Indies.^[56] The most populous provinces among the Outer Islands were South Sulawesi, West Sumatra, Bali, East Sumatra, and Timor. In 1930, these five provinces were inhabited by 55 per cent of the total population of the Outer Islands. The least populous provinces were Belitung, Bangka, Jambi, Riau and Bengkulu, all with less than 2 per cent each.

Still for their own interests, the Dutch colonial government actually viewed the Java Sea as a medium for benefiting colonial integration. The Dutch recognized the Java Sea as the Mediterranean Sea of Indonesia (Indië’s Middellandsche Zee).^[57] In fact the regions around the Java Sea are also recognized as the heart of Indonesia. Many kinds of marketable commodities are abundantly produced by this region.^[58] This explains why most important ports in Indonesian archipelago are located on the Java Sea shores, such as Jakarta, Surabaya, Semarang, Palembang, and Banjarmasin.^[59] These ports have been the centers of shipping and trade networks embracing all regions in the Indonesian Archipelago as well as part of global shipping network. During the Dutch colonial period, Batavia has been projected to be the most powerful port city in the Indonesian Archipelago to compete a new British Malay maritime world as formidable competitor to the Dutch Java-based polity as Malacca had been previously to Majapahit or Srivijaya to Mataram and Singasari.

Based on the above explanation, it is understandable, therefore, if the Dutch, for their own interests interpreting the relationship between Java and the Outer Islands as a centralistic relationship, relationship between the center and the periphery. This kind of Dutch perception was possibly influenced by the way the inland kingdom of Mataram viewed foreigner. During the Mataram period, the Javanese viewed the people from the Outer Java as “orang sabrang” (foreigner from across the sea) and “ora nJawa” (not being Java, non-Javanese). Like the Mataram kingdom, the Dutch colonial government used the “Java centric” way of thinking.[60] All of colonial official reports, colonial statistics, official publication, correspondence etc. used the terms such as Buitenbezittingen, Buitengewesten, Buiten Java en Madoera, for referring the Dutch colonies in Indonesian archipelago which were located beyond Java and Madura.[61] This way of thinking appeared the general acceptance of core-periphery model considering Java a congested nuclear core and the Outer Islands as a periphery. This way of thinking is, therefore, culturally and historically conditioned.[62] This kind of centralistic perspective and perception are inherited by Indonesian government at least until the end of the New Order government (1998) which benefited Java as the center of Indonesian politic and economy.

In the present time when Indonesia is entering to the reformation ere following the fall of Suharto government, the maritime myth of the Java Sea and Indonesian national integration are being questioned. Centralistic integration as inherited by the Dutch colonial regime is criticized and is accused as the source of disintegration problem in Indonesia. Various provinces especially those which are located outside Java demand a more relaxed regional autonomy. Several movements even demand independence, free from Indonesian unity. The perspective on role of the Java Sea which positions Java Island as the center and significant factor of national integration in Indonesia is also criticized. It is viewed as the legitimating symbol of Javanese domination over the rest of regions in Indonesia.

The above accusation, in fact, has broader dimension. The problem of the Java Sea and Java are likely to be the wrapper of a more substantial problems stemming from the system of Indonesian government which still preconditions an injustice social life both spatially and socially. In fact there are still gaps between the less-developed poor regions and the rich-developed regions. Besides, there is a group of people which is very rich and on the contrary there are still too many people living under the poverty line. But it is really not a myth that historical researches have proved the Java Sea had significant role in the process of national integration in Indonesia.

V. Concluding Remarks

In maritime community, the sea has significant function in daily life of the people. The sea is not merely viewed as a natural phenomenon providing livelihood to the community, but it also become a medium of communication which enables exchange among ethnic groups, political powers, and economic interests. This is in line with Braudel’s opinion that the sea provides unity, transport, the means of exchange and intercourse. But it also should be kept in mind that the sea has also been the great divider, the obstacle that has to be overcome.^[63] In the archipelagic state such as Indonesia, therefore, the sea becomes significant factor in the process of state integration.

The Java Sea which is located between Java, Sumatra, Borneo, and Celebes has a significant role as a means of exchanges and intercourses among ethnic groups such as those of Javanese, Sundanese, Madurese, Balinese, Banjarese, Dayaks, Buginese, Makasarese, etc. The relatively intensive intercourses among ethnic groups in the Java Sea regions through wars, maritime trading networks, and cultural contacts have preconditioned it an integral part of a process in which the Java Sea became a common identity. This kind of identity was, for example, different from Malay world which traditionally centered in Sumatra and the Malay Peninsular. This explains the never ending competition between the Java Sea world and the Malay world during the course of history. The Java Sea identity, therefore, was formed either through historical reality or myths taking place since the period of Srivijaya, Hinduistic Mataram, Singasari, Majapahit, Malacca, and Demak kingdoms. During the time, political conflicts and accommodations among local powers occurred alternately. Likewise, cultural intercourses among them were also continually taking place in line with the economic exchanges with its fluctuations. It can not be denied that Java has played a significant role in shaping some of the basic elements of the mentality and common identity of the Java Sea. In this context, local powers and cultures still had broader opportunity to still exist and even there had been assimilation among them.

The change occurred when the Dutch colonial dominated the Indonesian archipelago. For their own interests, the Dutch interpreted the relationship between Java and the other regions as a centralistic relationship, relationship between the center and the periphery. This way of thinking appeared the general acceptance of core-periphery model considering Java core and the other regions as a periphery. This kind of centralistic perspective and perception are inherited by Indonesian government at least until the end of the New Order government (1998) which benefited Java as the center of Indonesia politic and economy. During the reformation era, this perception is criticized and is accused as the source of disintegration problem in Indonesia. The changing perception on the role of the Java Sea which positions Java Island as the center and significant factor of national integration in Indonesia is also criticized and become increasingly unpopular. It is viewed as the legitimating symbol of Javanese domination over the rest of regions in Indonesia.

HISTORIOGRAFI PEMBEBASAN UNTUK INDONESIA BARU

PIDATO PENGUKUHAN

Diucapkan pada Upacara

Penerimaan Jabatan Guru Besar dalam Ilmu Sejarah

pada Fakultas Sastra Universitas Diponegoro

Semarang, 15 Maret 2008

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Singgih Tri Sulistiyono Read the rest of this entry »